Jane Addams

B. September 6, 1860 – D. May 21, 1935

"the good we secure for ourselves is precarious and uncertain, is floating in mid-air, until it is secured for all of us and incorporated into our common life."

Jane Addams was a founder of the U.S. Settlement House movement, and one of the first women to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. She was a leading figure in the Progressive era. Born into wealth and tempered by tragedy (three of her siblings died in infancy and her mother died from tuberculosis during pregnancy when Jane was just two years old.) Jane used her considerable empathy and skills to exert her influence on a world where a thirst for leaders offered opportunity and a willing public.

Jane's father, John H. Addams, was the President of The Second National Bank of Freeport, Senator from Illinois (1854 to 1870), and a founding member of the Republican Party and supporter Abraham Lincoln.

Unlike the Republican party of today, the Republican party's roots were not only progressive (liberal) but they were the "home" for a major force of activists in the early 20th century, engaged on nearly every progressive front including the peace movement, the social welfare movement and early years of activism advocating environmental protection.

Known as one of the founders of the Social Science movement, Addams' research and activism deeply influenced the professional and the disciplines encompassed by the rapidly growing movement in its early years and for years beyond her death in 1935.

Wikipedia Biography


Readings:
Public Activities and Investigations
Twenty Years at Hull House (Book)
The Subjective Necessity for Social Settlements

"Longview Flowers"

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Ken Burns

It can be fairly and objectively said that Ken Burns represents, perhaps even established, the "gold standard" in documentary film making in America.

William Henry Jackson

William Henry Jackson (April 4, 1843 - June 30, 1942) was an American painter, photographer and explorer famous for his images of the American West.

At age 15, he landed his first job, as a re-toucher, in the new and growing field of photography. A native of Vermont, Jackson was mustered into the Union army to help fight the "War of Secession." After a year with the Army of the Potomac in Washington, D.C., Fairfax Courthouse, and Gettysburg, he returned home.

Shortly after his return home a broken heart precipitated by a broken engagement led Jackson to leave Vermont, bumming his way to St. Joseph, Missouri. He worked his way west by "bullwacking" freight wagons to Salt Lake City, then recrossed the nation driving mustangs from Los Angeles to Omaha. There he and his brother, Ed, opened Jackson Brothers Photography.

Expeditions were important in documenting uncharted areas within the United States and the federal government sponsored diverse groups of artists, scientists, and soldiers to explore areas and to report on its resources. Among those Jackson joined up with was led by geologist Ferdinand Vandiveer Hayden to explore the Yellowstone Lake area.

Hayden's expedition included illustrators, a mineralogist, and a topographer. The natural beauty depicted by the artists, including Jackson's many photographs, helped to convince Congress to establish the area as a national park in 1872.

He was a great-great nephew of Samuel Wilson, the progenitor of America's national symbol Uncle Sam.

Jelly Roll Morton

Ferdinand "Jelly Roll" Morton
October 20, 1890 – July 10, 1941

Morton was a pivotal figure in American music - throughout his life contributing as a ragtime musician, composer and band leader.

Morton claimed to have been the inventor of Jazz in 1902 - a claim that haunted his legend during his lifetime and well beyond. Since he was only 12 in 1902 this only served to increase the skepticism. Ironically, Morton need not have used such hyperbole to burnish his achievements because his legend and words would live on and his place as one of the "founding fathers" of Jazz would be recognized by all.

In 1938 noted musicologist and biographer Alan Lomax conducted a series of interviews with Morton at the Library of Congress. The interviews consisted of Morton's stories about the early days of jazz, as well as a number of piano performances. Ultimately, The Complete Library of Congress Recordings was released in 2005 as a box set of recordings. The set spans 128 tracks over eight CDs and won two Grammy Awards in 2006 – Best Historical Album and Best Album Notes.

Democratic National Convention Nomination Acceptance Address - Barack Obama

Democratic National Convention Nomination Acceptance Address
Sen. Barack Obama (D-IL) accepts his party's nomination for President and speaks to the 2008 Democratic National Convention.




Audio and Text of the Speech.

Who, then, will speak for the common good? Barbara Jordan

Barbara Charline Jordan
February 21, 1936–January 17, 1996
1976 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address
Representative Barbara Jordan (D-Texas) was the first African American to serve as the Keynote speaker at a national political convention. This speech is among the greatest speeches of the century. Jordan was the first African-American woman elected to Congress from a southern state. She was known as an outstanding orator and Constitutional scholar. Carter was said to be considering her as a candidate for Vice President.

Text and audio of the speech

Biography

A More Perfect Union - Barack Obama

Among the great American speeches, Obama's Speech on Race in response to the furor over his pastor the Reverend Jeremiah Wright.

The Thirteen American Arguments - Excerpt

Howard Fineman

First, I owe you a definition, then an explanation. You will see the word “argument” throughout this book. By “argument” I mean something besides shouting or name calling, though both often are part of the transaction. I mean a clash between at least two people (or regions, political parties, candidates, or economic interests) over facts and ideas in the search for answers—in this case, answers to questions about the future and fate of America. The gist (the “argument,” if you will) of this book is: We are the Arguing Country, born in, and born to, debate. The habit of doing so—the urgent, almost neurotic need to do so—makes us unique and gives us our freedom, creativity, and strength. By my count, there are thirteen foundational arguments that comprise our public life—hence the title of this book. Rather than argue too much, which is the conventional wisdom’s critique, we in fact do not argue enough, about the fundamentals. If we fail to draw strength from our argumentative nature, we risk losing what made us great and gives us hope. Our disputes are not a burden, but a blessing.

The Thirteen American Arguments - Excerpt
Howard Fineman - Newsweek Excerpt

Google Books
Google books offers a variety of books from free books, where the copyright has lapsed and brought the book into the public domain and recent books that must be purchased. In many cases, they at least contain previews that will give the reader insight into the content of the book and make it well worth a quick preview of the information posted on Google Books.
The Thirteen American Arguements


Howard Fineman: The Thirteen American Arguments
Howard Fineman, the highly respected political journalist, joins the National Constitution Center to discuss his absorbing new work of American history, journalism, and analysis "The Thirteen American Arguments." Fineman writes that every debate we have had in the political arena, from our founding to today, has evolved from one of these arguments. Though the conventional wisdom is that Americans argue too much, Fineman believes that just the opposite is true. Fineman finds many of these basic arguments are tied to the U.S. Constitution, from the Preamble being written in the name of “We the People,” to who determines what the law is. Program recorded on 05/20/08.

The Federalist Papers

THE FEDERALIST PAPERS were written and printed from October 1787 until May 1788 to counter arguments of Antifederalists against ratification of the Constitution of 1787.
The papers were authored by three important founders Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay.

Alexander Hamilton was the originator of this work and author of 51 of the essays; James Madison wrote 26 of them; three essays were writeen by Hamilton and Madison together; and John Jay wrote five of the papers.

More

Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection

Federalist #9, and especially #10, "Union as a Safeguard Against Domestic Faction and Insurrection" are recognized as two of the most important philosophical of the Federalist papers.

Federalist # 9 Publius. [Alexander Hamilton]

A firm Union will be of the utmost moment to the peace and liberty of the States, as a barrier against domestic faction and insurrection. It is impossible to read the history of the petty republics of Greece and Italy without feeling sensations of horror and disgust at the distractions with which they were continually agitated, and at the rapid succession of revolutions by which they were kept in a state of perpetual vibration between the extremes of tyranny and anarchy. If they exhibit occasional calms, these only serve as short-lived contrast to the furious storms that are to succeed. If now and then intervals of felicity open to view, we behold them with a mixture of regret, arising from the reflection that the pleasing scenes before us are soon to be overwhelmed by the tempestuous waves of sedition and party rage. If momentary rays of glory break forth from the gloom, while they dazzle us with a transient and fleeting brilliancy, they at the same time admonish us to lament that the vices of government should pervert the direction and tarnish the lustre of those bright talents and exalted endowments for which the favored soils that produced them have been so justly celebrated.

Full Document

Federalist #10
Publius. [James Madison]

Among the numerous advantages promised by a well constructed Union, none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. The friend of popular governments never finds himself so much alarmed for their character and fate, as when he contemplates their propensity to this dangerous vice. He will not fail, therefore, to set a due value on any plan which, without violating the principles to which he is attached, provides a proper cure for it. The instability, injustice, and confusion introduced into the public councils, have, in truth, been the mortal diseases under which popular governments have everywhere perished; as they continue to be the favorite and fruitful topics from which the adversaries to liberty derive their most specious declamations. The valuable improvements made by the American constitutions on the popular models, both ancient and modern, cannot certainly be too much admired; but it would be an unwarrantable partiality, to contend that they have as effectually obviated the danger on this side, as was wished and expected. Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens, equally the friends of public and private faith, and of public and personal liberty, that our governments are too unstable, that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties, and that measures are too often decided, not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor party, but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority. However anxiously we may wish that these complaints had no foundation, the evidence, of known facts will not permit us to deny that they are in some degree true. It will be found, indeed, on a candid review of our situation, that some of the distresses under which we labor have been erroneously charged on the operation of our governments; but it will be found, at the same time, that other causes will not alone account for many of our heaviest misfortunes; and, particularly, for that prevailing and increasing distrust of public engagements, and alarm for private rights, which are echoed from one end of the continent to the other. These must be chiefly, if not wholly, effects of the unsteadiness and injustice with which a factious spirit has tainted our public administrations.

Full Text of Federalist #10
Audio version from eJunto

On Love and Non Violence - Martin Luther King, Jr.

Civil Disobedience

While the act of civil disobedience - for any cause - is almost always controversial at the time it occurs, it is in many ways one of the great patriotic callings of Americans and one of our most cherished and honored traditions.

Important Writings on Civil Disobedience

The Bible John Chapter 2: Verses 13-16
Thoreau - Civil Disobedience
Letter from a Birmingham Jail - Martin Luther King, Jr.

"In his own Words" - Martin Luther King


More

On Love and Nonviolence

Civil Disobedience - Thoreau

Must the citizen ever for a moment, or in the least degree, resign his conscience to the legislator? Why has every man a conscience, then? ... It is not desirable to cultivate a respect for the law, as so much for the right. The only obligation which I have a right to assume is to do at any time what I think right. -- Henry David Thoreau

First published in 1849. Civil Disobedience argues that people should not permit governments to overrule their consciences, and that giving in to government when it is wrong make us, by default, agents of that injustice. Thoreau was motivated in part by his opposition to slavery and the Mexican-American War.

Read Civil Disobedience

Wikipedia Biography of Thoreau
Discussion of the work

Related Readings and Links:

Letter from a Birmingham Jail, Martin Luther King, Jr.

A Nation’s Strength - Ralph Waldo Emerson

What makes a nation’s pillars high
And its foundations strong?
What makes it mighty to defy
The foes that round it throng?

It is not gold. Its kingdoms grand
Go down in battle shock;
Its shafts are laid on sinking sand,
Not on abiding rock.

Is it the sword? Ask the red dust
Of empires passed away;
The blood has turned their stones to rust,
Their glory to decay.

And is it pride? Ah, that bright crown
Has seemed to nations sweet;
But God has struck its luster down
In ashes at his feet.

Not gold but only men can make
A people great and strong;
Men who for truth and honor’s sake
Stand fast and suffer long.

Brave men who work while others sleep,
Who dare while others fly...
They build a nation’s pillars deep
And lift them to the sky.

Independence: A Solemn Duty

by Richard Henry Lee

The time will certainly come when the fated separation between the mother country and these colonies must take place whether you will or no, for it is so decreed by the very nature of things by the progressive increase of our population, the fertility of our soil, the extent of our territory, the industry of our countrymen, and the immensity of the ocean which separates the two countries. And if this be true, as it is most true, who does not see that the sooner it takes place, the better? -- that it would be the height of folly not to seize the present occasion when British injustice has filled all hearts with indignation, inspired all minds with courage, united all opinions in one, and put arms in every hand? And how long must we traverse three thousand miles of a stormy sea to solicit of arrogant and insolent men either counsel or commands to regulate our domestic affairs? From what we have already achieved it is easy to presume what we shall hereafter accomplish. Experience is the source of sage counsels and liberty is the mother of great men. Have you not seen the enemy driven from Lexington by citizens armed and assembled in one day? Already their most celebrated generals have yielded in Boston to the skill of ours. Already their seamen repulsed from our coasts wander over the ocean, the sport of tempests and the prey of famine. Let us hail the favorable omen and fight not for the sake of knowing on what terms we are to be the slaves of England but to secure to ourselves a free existence to found a just and independent government.

Why do we longer delay? why still deliberate? Let this most happy day give birth to the American Republic. Let her arise not to devastate and conquer but to re-establish the reign of peace and the laws. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon us; she demands of us a living example of freedom that may contrast by the felicity of her citizens with the ever increasing tyranny which desolates her polluted shores. She invites us to prepare an asylum where the unhappy may find solace and the persecuted repose. She entreats us to cultivate a propitious soil where that generous plant which first sprang up and grew in England but is now withered by the poisonous blasts of Scottish tyranny may revive and flourish, sheltering under its salubrious and interminable shade all the unfortunate of the human race. This is the end presaged by so many omens; by our first victories; by the present ardor and union; by the flight of Howe and the pestilence which broke out among Dunmore's people; by the very winds which baffled the enemy's fleets and transports, and that terrible tempest which engulfed seven hundred vessels upon the coast of Newfoundland. If we are not this day wanting in our duty to our country, the names of the American legislators will be placed, by posterity, at the side of those of Theseus, of Lycurgus, of Romulus of Numa, of the three Williams of Nassau, and of all those whose memory has been and will be forever dear to virtuous men and good citizens.

Declaration of Independence

1776

A bit hokey but an animated rendition of Jefferson reading the Declaration.



Text of the Declaration of Independence

Chronology of Events

Chronology of the Revolution

Jefferson's account of the Declaration.

Signers of the Declaration

Links to related information.


Thomas Jefferson Selected as the Author Because Richard H. Lee Was Absent — The 141st Anniversary Next Wednesday: A fascinating article from the NY Times July 1, 1917.

John F Kennedy Inaugural Address

A tightly crafted speech that speaks to the domestic and international priorities and ideals of a nation. This speech ranks among the top 10 American speeches of the century

"To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside."


Full Text and Video

I Have a Dream - Video

Certainly among the most important speeches of the century, MLK's I Have a Dream Speech remains a staple among school children across the planet.



Text of the Speech

I've Been to the Mountain Top - MLK Jr.

Martin Luther King's final speech. King clearly has a sense of the rising danger in his own life as he speaks in this final speech. This is a clip from the speech. Links to the text can be found below.






Audio of the Speech

Text of this speech

Robert Kennedy on MLK's Death

A video production of Kennedy's remarks on August 4, 1968.

Robert Kennedy - Day of Affirmation Speech

Day of Affirmation Address (as delivered)

Robert F. Kennedy
University of Capetown
Capetown, South Africa
June 6, 1966

"Few will have the greatness to bend history; but each of us can work to change a small portion of the events, and in the total of all these acts will be written the history of this generation. Thousands of Peace Corps volunteers are making a difference in the isolated villages and the city slums of dozens of countries. Thousands of unknown men and women in Europe resisted the occupation of the Nazis and many died, but all added to the ultimate strength and freedom of their countries. It is from numberless diverse acts of courage such as these that the belief that human history is thus shaped. Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring those ripples build a current which can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance."

Among the most famous speeches of the Century, Robert Kennedy seemed to reach across the globe with his words, speaking of the hopes and dreams as well as the ills and challenges of not only South Africa, where he had come to deliver this speech, but also of America and the planet.


Text of Speech

Audio of the Speech

Video Clip from the Speech

Eulogy to Robert Kennedy - Video

A powerful video presentation of the Eulogy by Edward M. Kennedy to his brother Robert F. Kennedy.Delivered at St. Patrick's Cathedral, New York City, June 8, 1968





Text of Edward Kennedy's Eulogy

Euology to Robert Kennedy - Edward M. Kennedy

Edward Kennedy's
Euology to Robert Kennedy
St. Patrick's Cathedral
New York City
June 8, 1968

On behalf of Mrs. Robert Kennedy, her children and the parents and sisters of Robert Kennedy, I want to express what we feel to those who mourn with us today in this Cathedral and around the world. We loved him as a brother and father and son. From his parents, and from his older brothers and sisters--Joe, Kathleen and Jack--he received inspiration which he passed on to all of us. He gave us strength in time of trouble, wisdom in time of uncertainty, and sharing in time of happiness. He was always by our side.

Love is not an easy feeling to put into words. Nor is loyalty, or trust or joy. But he was all of these. He loved life completely and lived it intensely.

A few years back, Robert Kennedy wrote some words about his own father and they expressed the way we in his family feel about him. He said of what his father meant to him: "What it really all adds up to is love--not love as it is described with such facility in popular magazines, but the kind of love that is affection and respect, order, encouragement, and support. Our awareness of this was an incalculable source of strength, and because real love is something unselfish and involves sacrifice and giving, we could not help but profit from it.

"Beneath it all, he has tried to engender a social conscience. There were wrongs which needed attention. There were people who were poor and who needed help. And we have a responsibility to them and to this country. Through no virtues and accomplishments of our own, we have been fortunate enough to be born in the United States under the most comfortable conditions. We, therefore, have a responsibility to others who are less well off."

This is what Robert Kennedy was given. What he leaves us is what he said, what he did and what he stood for. A speech he made to the young people of South Africa on their Day of Affirmation in 1966 sums it up the best, and I would read it now:

"There is a discrimination in this world and slavery and slaughter and starvation. Governments repress their people; and millions are trapped in poverty while the nation grows rich; and wealth is lavished on armaments everywhere.

"These are differing evils, but they are common works of man. They reflect the imperfection of human justice, the inadequacy of human compassion, our lack of sensibility toward the sufferings of our fellows. "But we can perhaps remember--even if only for a tirne--that those who live with us are our brothers; that they share with us the same short moment of life; that they seek--as we do--nothing but the chance to live out their lives in purpose and happiness, winning what satisfaction and fulfillment they can. "Surely this bond of common faith, this bond of common goal, can begin to teach us something. Surely, we can learn, at least, to look at those around us as fellow men. And surely we can begin to work a little harder to bind up the wounds among us and to become in our own hearts brothers and countrymen once again."Our answer is to rely on youth--not a time of life but a state of mind, a temper of the will, a quality of imagination, a predominance of courage over timidity, of the appetite for adventure over the love of ease. The cruelties and obstacles of this swiftly changing planet will not yield to obsolete dogmas and outworn slogans. They cannot be moved by those who cling to a present that is already dying, who prefer the illusion of security to the excitement and danger that come with even the most peaceful progress. It is a revolutionary world we live in; and this generation at home and around the world, has had thrust upon it a greater burden of responsibility than any generation that has ever lived.

"Some believe there is nothing one man or one woman can do against the enormous array of the world's ills. Yet many of the world's great movements, of thought and action, have flowed from the work of a single man. A young monk began the Protestant reformation, a young general extended an empire from Macedonia to the borders of the earth, and a young woman reclaimed the territory of France. It was a young Italian explorer who discovered the New World, and the thirty-two-year-old Thomas Jefferson who proclaimed that all men are created equal. "These men moved the world, and so can we all. Few will have the greatness to bend history itself, but each of us can work to change a small portion of events, and in the total of all those acts will be written the history of this generation. It is from numberless diverse acts of courage and belief that human history is shaped. Each time a man stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others, or strikes out against injustice, he sends forth a tiny ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers of energy and daring, those ripples build a current that can sweep down the mightiest walls of oppression and resistance.

"Few are willing to brave the disapproval of their fellows, the censure of their colleagues, the wrath of their society. Moral courage is a rarer commodity than bravery in battle or great intelligence. Yet it is the one essential, vital quality for those who seek to change a world that yields most painfully to change. And I believe that in this generation those with the courage to enter the moral conflict will find themselves with companions in every corner of the globe.

"For the fortunate among us, there is the temptation to follow the easy and familiar paths of personal ambition and financial success so grandly spread before those who enjoy the privilege of education. But that is not the road history has marked out for us. Like it or not, we live in times of danger and uncertainty. But they are also more open to the creative energy of men than any other time in history. All of us will ultimately be judged and as the years pass we will surely judge ourselves, on the effort we have contributed to building a new world society and the extent to which our ideals and goals have shaped that effort.

"The future does not belong to those who are content with today, apathetic toward common problems and their fellow man alike, timid and fearful in the face of new ideas and bold projects. Rather it will belong to those who can blend vision, reason and courage in a personal commitment to the ideals and great enterprises of American Society."Our future may lie beyond our vision, but it is not completely beyond our control. It is the shaping impulse of America that neither fate nor nature nor the irresistible tides of history, but the work of our own hands, matched to reason and principle, that will determine our destiny. There is pride in that, even arrogance, but there is also experience and truth. In any event, it is the only way we can live."

"This is the way he lived. My brother need not be idealized, or enlarged in death beyond what he was in life, to be remembered simply as a good and decent man, who saw wrong and tried to right it, saw suffering and tried to heal it, saw war and tried to stop it. Those of us who loved him and who take him to his rest today, pray that what he was to us and what he wished for others will some day come to pass for all the world. As he said many times, in many parts of this nation, to those he touched and who sought to touch him:

"Some men see things as they are and say why.
I dream things that never were and say why not."

Video

Robert Kennedy on the Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr.

Robert F. Kennedy in Indianapolis announcing the death of Martin Luther King Jr. April 4, 1968 to a rally of largely African American people in Indianapolis.
76 American cities experienced violence and rioting following the assassination of Dr. King. Indianapolis was not among them. Kennedy's speech, delivered against the advice of nearly everyone who could have provided protection to the Senator, is largely recognized as the reason that Indianapolis did not experience violence as well. The speech itself was completely extemporaneous - coming from the head and heart of Bobby Kennedy.

Ladies and Gentlemen - I'm only going to talk to you just for a minute or so this evening. Because...

I have some very sad news for all of you, and I think sad news for all of our fellow citizens, and people who love peace all over the world, and that is that Martin Luther King was shot and was killed tonight in Memphis, Tennessee.

Martin Luther King dedicated his life to love and to justice between fellow human beings. He died in the cause of that effort. In this difficult day, in this difficult time for the United States, it's perhaps well to ask what kind of a nation we are and what direction we want to move in.

For those of you who are black - considering the evidence evidently is that there were white people who were responsible - you can be filled with bitterness, and with hatred, and a desire for revenge.

We can move in that direction as a country, in greater polarization - black people amongst blacks, and white amongst whites, filled with hatred toward one another. Or we can make an effort, as Martin Luther King did, to understand and to comprehend, and replace that violence, that stain of bloodshed that has spread across our land, with an effort to understand, compassion and love.

For those of you who are black and are tempted to be filled with hatred and mistrust of the injustice of such an act, against all white people, I would only say that I can also feel in my own heart the same kind of feeling. I had a member of my family killed, but he was killed by a white man.

But we have to make an effort in the United States, we have to make an effort to understand, to get beyond these rather difficult times.

My favorite poet was Aeschylus. He once wrote: "Even in our sleep, pain which cannot forget falls drop by drop upon the heart, until, in our own despair, against our will, comes wisdom through the awful grace of God."

What we need in the United States is not division; what we need in the United States is not hatred; what we need in the United States is not violence and lawlessness, but is love and wisdom, and compassion toward one another, and a feeling of justice toward those who still suffer within our country, whether they be white or whether they be black.

So I ask you tonight to return home, to say a prayer for the family of Martin Luther King, yeah that's true, but more importantly to say a prayer for our own country, which all of us love - a prayer for understanding and that compassion of which I spoke. We can do well in this country. We will have difficult times. We've had difficult times in the past. And we will have difficult times in the future. It is not the end of violence; it is not the end of lawlessness; and it's not the end of disorder.

But the vast majority of white people and the vast majority of black people in this country want to live together, want to improve the quality of our life, and want justice for all human beings that abide in our land.

Let us dedicate ourselves to what the Greeks wrote so many years ago: to tame the savageness of man and make gentle the life of this world.

Let us dedicate ourselves to that, and say a prayer for our country and for our people. Thank you very much.

Robert F. Kennedy - April 4, 1968

Video Clip

Just two months later, Robert Kennedy was gunned down during a celebration following his victory in the California primary, June 5, 1968.

Welcome to American Voices

American Voices is a blog dedicated to important speeches, songs, writings and poetry that have played a part in the "American Journey".